|1Chronicon Ephratense, as quoted in James E. Ernst, Ephrata: A History (Allentown: The Pennsylvania German Folklore Society, 1963), 15. For a brief discussion of the Philadelphian Society in Germany, see Alderfer, E.G., The Ephrata Commune: An Early American Counterculture (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1985), 20. While some of Alderfer's discussion is open to question, it is true that there were German affiliates of the English Philadelphian Society. More on this topic can be found in Nils Thune,The Behmenists and the Philadelphians, (Uppsala: 1948); see also Arthur Versluis, Wisdom's Children: A Christian Esoteric Tradition, (SUNY: 1999).
2Whether the Philadelphian group Haller introduced Beissel to also had ties to Rosicrucianism is open to question. Sachse [The German Sectarians of Pennsylvania, 2 vols., Philadelphia, 1899-1900, rpt. New York: AMS Press, 1971] and Enrst support the idea that Beissel was exposed to Rosicrucianism in Germany. Jeffrey Bach, however, discusses the problems with defining any texts, tenets, or specific groups of people as Rosicrucian, and points out that no concepts or practices identified as Rosicrucian were ever introduced to the Ephrata community by Beissel. See Bach, "Voices of the Turtledoves: The Mystical Language of the Ephrata Cloister," diss. Duke University, 1997. It is undeniable that certain practices associated with Rosicrucianism, such as alchemy and astrology, were introduced by others to the cloister.
5This was Anna Eicher, the same woman who, thirteen years before, in 1730, had been falsely accused of bearing Beissel's child. After refusing her proposal and refusing to let Anna take his name without matrimony, Beissel appointed her sister, Maria, as prioress of the Sister's Convent. Presumably fired with jealousy, Anna then spread her story.
6Published in an English translation in 1765, the text's first published appearance in German is uncertain, but one account claims 1745 as the first publication date of Dissertation. See Bach, p. 97 for a discussion of the text's publication history.
7For Boehme's treatment of the feminine sex and the creation of woman from Adam see Drei Principia 13:9. Regarding how the "love-blood" of Venus helps overcome the darkness of Saturn and the fire of Mars, see Signatura Rerum 11:49. In the same work, see 12:33 for comments on the joining of the Virgin and the Bridegroom, and 12:36 for discussion of transforming wrathful fire into love and gentleness. See Mysterium Magnum 19:8 and 26:47 for treatment of the feminine matrix; 19:16 for discussion of the feminine sex and the centrum of the Angelic realm; and 58:46 on how Christ sanctified the feminine tincture. All citations are to chapter and paragraph, as found in Jacob Bohme, Samtliche Schriften, ed. Will-Erich Peuckert (Stuttgart: Fromanns, 1957), facs. reprint of Theosophia Revelata, 1730, 2 vols. A new edition of Boehme's works has recently been published: Werke, ed. F. Van Ingen (Frankfurt: Deutsher Klasiker, 1997) vol. 1 507ff.
8Beissel, Johann Conrad, "First Sermon from Deliciae Ephratenses," Johann Conrad Beissel and the Ephrata Community Mystical and Historical Texts, ed. Peter C. Erb (Lewiston: The Edwin Mellon Press, 1985) 116. This piece was mistakenly identified in the volume as Beissel's "First Sermon," but is actually A Dissertation on Man's Fall. All quotations from Beissel's Dissertation that appear here are taken from this edition, but cited as "First Sermon."
20For an account of the text's genesis and reception, and a general history of Rosicrucianism, see Christopher McIntosh, The Rosicrucians:The History and Mythology of an Occult Order (Nothhamptonshire, England: Crucible, 1987).
21Bach argues that the "significant differences between [The Chemical Wedding] and Beissel's sermon outweigh the likenesses. The dissimilarities argue against any suggestion that Beissel was writing an explicitly Rosicrucian allegory." (116). This is undoubtedly true, since Beissel was more concerned with following the path of his own intuitive inspirations, rather than with adhering to the letter of any previously established interpretation. As Bach himself points out, Beissel never fully mastered the complexity of Boehme's thought, either (93). One could just as well argue that Beissel did not intend to write an explicitly Boehmean text in his Dissertation, yet the Boehmean influence is acknowledged in Bach.
31Philalethes, Eugenius (Thomas Vaughn), A Perfect and True Discoverie of the True Coelum Terrae; or, The Magician's Heavenly Chaos (London, 1650), in The Magical Writings of Thomas Vaughan, ed. A. E. Waite (London, 1888), qtd. in Ormsby-Lennon, 320.
34Chronicon Ephratense: A History of the Community of the Seventh Day Baptists at Ephrata, trans. J. Max Hark (Lancaster, 1889, rpt. New York: Burt Franklin, 1972), 160. The reference also has a self-congratulatory tone, for the writer later lauds Beissel's final collection of choral songs as becoming "prominent in the occidental parts of the world as a prevision of the New World, consisting of an entirely new and uncommon manner of singing, arranged in accord with the angelic and heavenly choirs" (Chronicon Ephratense, 167). While he holds the rules universal, it seems that he believes Beissel is their most recent discoverer. The principle source of meterial concerning Ephrata, the Chronicon was based on excerpts from a community diary kept by one Brother Jethro (referred to as Lamach in the title) until his death (the date of which is uncertain), when it was taken up by another brother. Prior Jaebez (Peter Miller) who edited the diary and published the Chronicon twelve years after Beissel's death, was presumably the succeeding diarist.
40"Beissel's Dissertation on Harmony," trans. Rev. J.F. Ohl, in Sachse, The Music of the Ephrata Cloister, 70-71. The translator has added the term "note" in parentheses every time that Beissel refers to a musical "letter." I have omitted the translator's addition here.
46Qtd. in Sachse, The Music of the Ephrata Cloister, 55. The section given here is from the original English version of the foreword, translated by an Ephrata brother named Peter Miller. It is uncertain whether this part of the prefatory material was written entirely by Beissel.
48ibid.The author ignores the Sister's obvious meaning, presumably because however diplomatic and in line with Beissel's own rhetoric regarding gender differences, it still implies criticism of Beissel. Instead, he fishes out a stray anecdote about some Sisters who had once tried to steal a lock of Beissel's hair as a vague support for the cause being "the very opposite." Subsequent Ephrata scholars have accepted his interpretation uncritically.
50Sachse, The Music of the Ephrata Cloister, 29. Four-part pieces were sung by three female and one male part; five-part pieces by three female and two male; six-part pieces had an additional female voice; and seven-part pieces had five female and two male parts.